糖心Vlog

Few organizations have been more engaged in fighting President Donald Trump鈥檚 attacks on civil liberties and civil rights than the ACLU. But it鈥檚 important to remember that political candidates 鈥� including Donald Trump 鈥� have constitutional rights, too.

A judge that Donald Trump may have committed incitement when, at a campaign rally in Kentucky last year, he called on his audience to eject protesters who were subsequently manhandled by the crowd. While it鈥檚 a closer case than most, I don鈥檛 think those words can clear the high bar for what constitutes incitement.

The case arises from a March 2016 campaign rally in Louisville. A from the event shows a Black woman surrounded by a sea of shouting white faces contorted by fury. Trump yells, 鈥淕et 鈥榚m outta here! Get out!鈥� He adds, with notably less enthusiasm, 鈥淒on鈥檛 hurt 鈥榚m.鈥� The woman is shoved, screamed at, and spun like a top by a multitude of Trump loyalists. It鈥檚 a truly scary sight.

The woman, Kashiya Nwanguma, and two other attendees who were similarly ejected from the Louisville rally have filed a lawsuit over the incident. They assert claims of assault and battery against several of the rally鈥檚 attendees, and anyone who physically abused them should absolutely be held liable. But the plaintiffs also sued Trump, alleging that his speech incited the other defendants to act violently. They pointed to a history of violence at Trump鈥檚 rallies and his prior that he鈥檇 cover the legal fees of his supporters who roughed up protesters.

There is no question that Trump鈥檚 decision to use his bully pulpit to actually bully protesters and to rile up his crowds against them is morally despicable. But legally, deciding whether what happened in that crowded theater rises to the level of incitement is a trickier task.

This month, a federal judge in Kentucky on the grounds that Trump may have engaged in 鈥渋ncitement to riot鈥� at that rally. (Notably, he allowed the case on two theories 鈥� both intentional and negligent incitement 鈥� more on that below.)

The decision is troubling from a civil liberties perspective, no matter what you think of Trump or of his policies. Many of our strongest First Amendment protections come from cases in which the government tried to punish individuals for advocating illegal activity.

Incitement charges have been used to jail anti-war protestors, labor picketers, Communists, and civil rights activists. Over time, the Supreme Court learned from these mistakes and adopted a very speech-protective test to determine when incitement has taken place. In , the court ruled that the First Amendment permits liability for incitement only when speech is intended and likely to cause imminent and serious lawlessness. It鈥檚 a high bar for a reason, and Trump鈥檚 conduct at the rally didn鈥檛 meet it.

A brief tour through the history of Supreme Court incitement cases shows how the very same First Amendment rules that protect racist speech also protect civil rights advocates. The Brandenburg test is named after Clarence Brandenburg, an avowed racist convicted for holding an Ohio KKK rally in the late 1960s. The Supreme Court overturned his conviction, despite the rally鈥檚 talk of 鈥渞evengeance鈥� against Jews and Black people, and held that 鈥渁bstract advocacy of force鈥� was protected speech that did not amount to incitement.

A few years later, in a short opinion relying entirely on Brandenburg, the court struck down another state conviction 鈥� this time of an anti-war protester who a cop overheard , 鈥淲e鈥檒l take the fucking streets later.鈥� The court again held that advocacy of generic illegal action was not incitement.

And perhaps the high water mark for incitement law is , in which the court upheld civil rights icon Charles Evers鈥� right to deliver 鈥渆motionally charged rhetoric鈥� at a 1966 rally. Evers was advocating that a crowd of supporters boycott racist, white-owned businesses, and during his passionate speech, he promised that 鈥渨e鈥檒l break the damn neck鈥� of anyone who broke the boycott. Citing Brandenburg once again, the court held that there was no evidence 鈥渢hat Evers authorized, ratified, or directly threatened acts of violence鈥� 鈥� even if he suggested such violence might be justified.

So the history of modern incitement jurisprudence begins with a KKK leader鈥檚 free speech rights and extends to a Vietnam War protester and a great civil rights icon. There can hardly be a better illustration that our free speech rights are truly indivisible. And they sprang, battle-born, from the tumult of the civil rights era 鈥� and apply to racists and civil rights advocates alike.

The stringent Brandenburg test is designed to ensure breathing room for the messy, chaotic, ad hominem, passionate, and even racist speech that may be part of the American political conversation. For that reason, the Supreme Court鈥檚 signposts for incitement consist of cases upholding free speech rights in the face of overzealous prosecutions. So we know what the Supreme Court thinks incitement isn鈥檛 more than we know what they think it is.

From a lawyer鈥檚 point of view, there is something fascinating about Donald Trump: he determined to make us dust off our law books and reexamine basic constitutional precepts. Now it鈥檚 incitement鈥檚 turn.

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So we have a theater, a frenzied crowd, an assault on a vulnerable person, and a demagogue. Why doesn鈥檛 this qualify as incitement?

First, the notion of 鈥渘egligent incitement鈥� is plainly unconstitutional, and, under Brandenburg, a contradiction in terms. Negligent conduct is careless conduct, not intentional conduct. The law makes it clear that if Trump did not intentionally advocate violence, he cannot be held liable for incitement.

Even setting negligence aside, however, the facts we have also don鈥檛 add up to intentional incitement. Start with the words themselves: 鈥淕et 鈥榚m outta here.鈥� As my colleague Rachel Goodman and I have previously written, the First Amendment does not entitle you to protest at a politician鈥檚 privately run rally. So by protesting in Louisville, Nwanguma and her two co-plaintiffs were subject to lawful removal. Therefore, Trump鈥檚 words do not explicitly refer to any unlawful action 鈥� he had a right to tell them to leave. And remember that Trump added, from the lectern, 鈥淒on鈥檛 hurt 鈥榚m.鈥� At face value, this doesn鈥檛 appear to pass that high bar for incitement. Indeed, Trump explicitly disavowed violence.

But the plaintiffs did a good job marshaling their facts, which is what makes this such a close case. Since incitement is in part about state of mind, the fact that Trump previously shared his hope that people 鈥溾�� protesters and offered to pay the legal fees of those who did has real relevance. And interestingly, the judge cited the words uttered right after 鈥淕et 鈥榚m outta here鈥�: Trump added, 鈥淚 can鈥檛 say 鈥榞o get 鈥榚m鈥� or I鈥檒l get in trouble.鈥� The judge held that this was Trump鈥檚 way of conveying, with a wink and nod, a desire for violence to his supporters.

The final inquiry is whether Trump鈥檚 words were actually likely to incite violence. Put another way, would a reasonable person have heard 鈥淕et 鈥榚m outta here鈥� as code for 鈥渧iolently assault those protesters鈥�? Last week, one of the individual defendants in this case actually Trump, arguing that if he鈥檚 found liable for assault, Trump should pay his legal fees 鈥� as the president does appear to have promised. So we have one listener who claims violence was what Trump wanted. (Of course, this argument would conveniently relieve him of responsibility for his own conduct.)

But the First Amendment requires that we focus fault on those who act, rather than on those who merely speak, absent extraordinary circumstances. We need to be extremely wary of granting government the power to shut down a speaker because of the power of her words. We need to ensure a world where Charles Evers can get heated and where street activists can sharply criticize the police, without worrying that someone in the audience will hurt someone and then try to blame the speaker.

Some people have cheered the judge鈥檚 ruling in this case 鈥� perhaps gratified that Trump鈥檚 ugly campaign is finally getting some comeuppance. It鈥檚 certainly understandable why reasonable people could see those Trump rallies as racist, sexist powder kegs. I know that many Americans fear we鈥檙e slipping into fascism, and see the that has sometimes emerged at Trump rallies as a harbinger of a moment from which our democracy won鈥檛 return. I worry, too.

But if we really want to protect against that moment, we cannot do it by weakening our commitment to constitutional values. So many of the high water marks of the First Amendment were etched during the civil rights era. It is never a good time to alter the law so that more speech can be punished. Political speech should qualify as incitement only if it is unequivocally and inherently a request for violent and unlawful action.

鈥淕et 鈥榚m out鈥� just doesn鈥檛 meet that bar.